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Even though the trade war between the US and China is escalating and has taken the centre stage of the international discourse, the word Doklam does not seem to have escaped the media’s attention in the context of India-China relations. It is more than one year since the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) invaded Bhutan’s territory in Doklam Plateau and the Indian Army (IA) stepped in to prevent PLA from constructing a road inside the plateau. A lot has happened since then.

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Donald Trump has done more damage than good to the Asian security architecture and is likely to do more of the same. Not only that, this process is also hurting India’s long term interests because it is damaging the value of the idea of the Indo-Pacific as an open and inclusive construct and not an architecture as such. More significantly, the Indo-Pacific order today suffers from a dichotomous American position.

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North Korea has regarded China as its most natural ally and supporter since the Korean War. The relationship had begun to show signs of strain after the continued nuclear tests by North Korea and it became increasingly difficult since Xi Jinping came to power. The last Chinese leader to visit North Korea was Hu Jintao in 2005. Even though China is the only country helping North Korea manage its domestic problems and economic difficulties, the relationship has started to show signs of strain.

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The need is to prevent the stabilising of a Wahhabi outpost already breeding dozens of ISIS fighters at the trade routes of the western reaches of the Indo-Pacific.

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The rise of China to an economic and military power has had the most significant effect on its relationship with Taiwan. China has always been assertive about the use of One-China Principle in its dealings with Taiwan. However, the change of the political system in Taiwan from an authoritarian to a democratic system has further complicated this relationship.

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Intelligence is key to any counterterrorist operation, but the challenge in sustaining intelligence throughout the period of counterterrorism (CT) demands recognition. This proposition is especially true in the case of Kashmir militancy. The Indian security forces have conducted numerous CT operations and eliminated high and mid ranking militant leaders. However, the challenge has been in sustaining channels of intelligence for extended periods of time.

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At the height of the Cold War, the US National Academy of Sciences (NAS) founded the Committee on International Security and Arms Control (CISAC) in 1980 under the leadership of W.K.H. Panofsky. Many back channel dialogues were held under its aegis with Soviet (later Russian) scientists on issues of nuclear deterrence, arms control and related matters. Eight years later, the Vice-President of the Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Prof.

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The 21^st century saw two important developments, which led to a paradigm shift in international politics. The demise of the Soviet Union in 1991, led to the end of an international system characterised by tight bipolarity of power between the US and Soviet Union; and was accompanied by the rise of multiple poles of power, leading to a multipolar international order, populated by several multilateral organisations. However, even within the multipolar system, the various poles of power have varying degrees of power in relation to one another.

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It ought to have been a “no-brainer” that dialogue was essential between the United States and by far the largest geographical entity on earth, the Russian Federation, more so as the interests of both countries could through agreement intersect rather than collide.